PR 1714 
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JT SERIES No. 7 JUNE 1917 

UNIVERSITY OF IOWA 
MONOGRAPHS 



HUMANISTIC STUDIES 



VOLUME I NUMBER 6 



AN ANALYSIS 

OF THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE 
FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

BY 

NELLIE SLAYTON AURNER 



Published by the University, Iowa City 



ISSUED MONTHLY THROUGHOUT THE YEAR. ENTERED AT THE 
POSTOFFTCE AT IOWA CITY AS SECOND CLASS MAIL MATTER 



Mq:'„ 



IN THE SERIES OF RESEARCH BULLETINS OF THE UNIVERSITY 



HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

Franklin H. Potter, A. M. Editor 
VOLUME I NUMBER 6 



AN ANALYSIS 

OF THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE 
FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

BY 

Nellie Slayton Aurner, M. A. 

Instructor in English i 



Published by the University, Iowa City 



M9 



ncC'-aOd 






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0. of D. 
JUN IS 191' 



AN ANALYSIS 

OF THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE 
FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 



Introduction 

Bibliographies of Beowulf are sufficiently numerous and 
complete; there are also fairly satisfactory lists of translations 
and studies of the Finnsburg Fragment ; but apparently no one as 
yet has attempted to cull out from the unwieldy mass of Beo- 
wulf material such articles as deal with the Finn episode and, 
by bringing them into proper relation with the works on the 
fragment, furnish the materials for an intelligent resume of 
what scholarship has accomplished toward solving the Finnsburg 

problem. 

Such a resume ought to be indispensable for a thoroughly 
critical study of the Finnsburg documents. It will contain 
inevitably much that will be found useless when a satisfactory 
solution is arrived at, but until that time it is unscientific and 
unsafe to pass by without due consideration any sincere attempt 
to throw light upon this very obscure portion of our early litera- 
ture. 

In his recently published edition of Widsith, Mr. Chambers 
says: "Modern scholarship has been rather too ready to dis- 
miss the conclusions of earlier students without sufficiently 
examining the facts from which those conclusions were drawn. 
Each of these earlier critics based his work upon a careful study 
of his predecessors' investigations." It is only by such gradual 
evolution of opinion, he concludes, that theories of permanent 
value can be gained. 

More than a quarter of a century ago Professor Kluge de- 
clared: "A consideration ' and criticism of all former views 
would bring the difficult places more into the foreground, spare 
unnecessary reflections over long solved problems, and remove 
the danger of repeating what has already been said." He then 



4 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS 

quotes Sievers' lament that it is no longer easy to look over 
entirely the rich literature. If this was true thirty years ago it 
is doubly true to-day, and it was the hope of rendering a help- 
ful service in this respect that led to the compilation of the fol- 
lowing bibliography with its accompanying summary and 
analysis. 

The Finnsburg materials are gathered from three sources: 
a fragment of forty-eight lines, known as the "Fight at Finns- 
burg", an episode in the poem of Beowulf (lines 1063-1159), 
and several references in Widsith. 

EARLY DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNTS 

The fragment describing the fight was discovered by Dr. 
George Hickes in a manuscript volume of homilies belonging to 
the Archiepiscopal Library of Lambeth.^ He transcribed and 
published it without a translation, in his ' ' Thesaurus Linguarum 
Septentrionalium" in 1705. This same work includes Wanley's 
Catalogue which gives the first public mention of the poem Beo- 
wulf. Wanley's description^ indicates that he knew practically 
nothing of the poem, which remained without further notice un- 
til 1805 when Sharon Turner in his "History of the Anglo- 
Saxons" gave several extracts. Among these extracts is found 
the first printed reference to the nature of the Finnsburg story: 
' ' the poet of Hrothgar 
behind the table of mead, 
recorded the expedition against the Finns. 
"This episode is rather long. The enterprise ended in the 
capture of the king and queen of the Finns. "^ 



'Hickes ' ' ' Thesaurus : " " Fragmenti poetici singulare folium, in codice 
Ms. homiliarum Semi-Saxonicarum qui extat in Bibliotheca Lambethana. ' ' 

'"IX. fol. 130. Tractatus nobilissiinus Poetice scriptus. Praefationis hoc 
est. initium." 

Then follows the text of the first nineteen lines. 

"Initium autem primi capitis sic se habet. " (Text 11.53-73). 

"In hoc libro, qui Poeseos Anglo-Saxonicae egreginm est exemplum, 
descripta videntur bella quae Beowulf us qui dam Danus ex regia Scvldeng- 
orum stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueeiae regulos. ' ' 

"Sharon Turner, "History of the Anglo-Saxons," 6th ed., Vol. Ill, p. 
304. In a note on p. 308, evidently not in the 1805 edition, the editor 
adds: "The short fragment on the battle of Finnsburuh in the Exeter 



SHAEON I'URNER — tHORKELIN 5 

There is nothing in his extracts, and certainly nothing in the 
above comment, to indicate that he knew of the Finnsburg frag- 
ment. Even in the note on this fragment inserted in later edi- 
tions he does not connect it with the episode. 

FraST ATTEMPT AT INTERPRETATION 

The first serious attempt toward an interpretation of the epi- 
sode was that of Thorkelin in his Latin translation accompanying 
the text published in 1815, The valuable assistance he rendered 
Old English scholarship by his transcripts taken in 1786 before 
the fire which injured the original manuscript belongs properly 
to the history of Beowulf criticism.^ His translation of the 
episode indicates a very limited knowledge both of the language 
and of Teutonic custom. He understands the episode as an ac- 
count of a naval expedition undertaken by Hrothgar against 
Finn, the king of the Frisians. The only advance from Sharon 
Turner in his general conception is his recognition of Finn as a 
proper name and his establishing him as ruler of the Frisians. 
He construes the distribution of rings and treasure in the mead 
hall as the paying of tribute by Finn ; he makes Finn promise to 
rule by lieutenants, " Quaestoribus regeret", a purely Roman 
idea; and he fails to see that Hnsef and Hengest are proper 
names. The father of Hildeburg appears in the index as 
' ' Hother, ' '•^ and is characterized thus : ' ' contra Danos pugnat. ' ' 
His rendering of the episode*" may be summarized as follows : 
The courtiers rejoiced when the poet of Hrothgar called to 
mind how the army of the Half-danes overcame in Frisian 

Ms. is, like Beowulf, rather romance than history. Mr. W. Conybeare has 
inserted it in his illustrations, with a Latin translation and a pleasing Imi- 
tation in English verse. ' ' 

■•Wiilker's "Grundriss, " p. 45; also pp. 251-252. Tinker's "Transla- 
tions of Beowulf, ' ' pp. 15-21. 

"Probably read into this text from Saxo-Grammaticus. 

"Thorkelin 's translation : 

Ibi erat cantus et instrumenta Super medi mensis 

Invicem juncti Memorare debuit 

Coram Halfdani Cum Finni prole, 

Exercitus duce Ubi eam navali expeditione tactam 

Faueium organis salutato, Miles Halfdanides 

Elogiis jugiter exercitis. Robor Scyldingorum 

Deinde aulicis ludum Frisica strage 

Hrodgari poeta Prostravit. 



6 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

slaughter the race of Fiiin. Hildeburg sorrowed at the sight of 
her slaughtered kinsmen, Finn, in order to preserve the 
wretched remnant of his followers, offered to yield to the con- 
queror all the remaining dwellings, a hall and throne, and to 
bring him gifts of money, A treaty \\as thus agreed upon. 
Finn, taking the oath, is characterized as "crafty in mind". The 
passage w hich describes the burning of those fallen in war seems 
to have been fairly well understood. At the close of this cere- 
mony a warrior, apparently Finn, set forth to visit Frisia, the 
dwellings and the chief city lying by the sea, now red with 



Nequidem Hildeburga 

Gloriari opus habuit. 

Jutorum foedus 

Injuste fuit 

Fractum adversus dominum. 

In eos belluni susceptum 

Et liberos, fratresque 

Genere junctos. 

Euebant tela per vulnera 

Id fuit luctu 

Foeminae, baud quaquam 

Sine causa, Hoteri filiae, 

Divinum per limites 

Postquam mane venit, 

Tunc ilia sub aethere 

Videre potuit 

Caedera peruiciosam cog^atis, 

Ibi olim niaximo habitis 

Mundano gavidio. 

Mavors omnes abstulit 

Finni jjlialanges, 

Exceptis paucis aliquibus, 

Ne posset 

In loco praestituto 

Bello maritimo 

Aliquem oppugnare. 

Ne miseros superstites 

Internecione delerent 

Regis satrapae, 

Ille Regi 

In reconciliationem obtulit, quod 

IIU residuas mansiones 

Omnes cederet 

Aulam et thronum 

Quod dimidiam potestatem 

Cum Jutorum liberis 

Possideret ; 

Et dona pecuniaria 

Imponeret praestanda cite 

Die quoquis, 

Dani ditarunt 

Classem 

Annulis exspectatis, 

Addita insuper valde 

Divite gaza 



Gravi auro. 

Ita ille Frisonum genus 

In trieiinio 

Confirmare voluit. 

Tunc couventio inita 

Ab utraque parte, 

Pirmata libero foedere. 

Finnus maritimus 

Animo vafer 

J u r e j u ran d decrevit : 

Quod miseros superstites 

Sapieutum eonsilio 

Quaestoribus regeret : 

Quod quaestor ullus aliquem 

Nee verbis nee factis 

Lacesceret, cogeretve : 

Nee per fraudem dolumve 

Aliquando excogitatum, 

Duni sui annulorum 

Datoris signa sequeretur. 

Domino infidus esset, 

Ubi ejus indig-eret: 

Si inde Frisonum alieuius 

Nefandus dictu 

Caedis aestus fervidus 

Animum subierit, 

Tunc gladii acie 

Poena sumeretur. 

Jusjurandum praestitum fuit, 

Et insuper auruni 

Elatum ex thesauro. 

Exercitus Seyldingorum 

Praestantissimi milites 

Affuerunt caedi assueti 

Ad istud jusjurandum. 

Facile visi 

Sanguine tinetis loricis 

Cristis porcinis omnibus auratis. 

Superstiti ferrum durum 

Nobili multo 

Vulnera inflixerat : 

Alii strage occubuere. 

Rogavit tunc Hildeburga 

Ad caesorum rogum 

Suorummet filiorum 



THOEKELIN'S INTEEPEETATION t 

slaughter. Concealing his wretchedness, he passed the winter 
with the enemy, secretly meditating plans of vengeance. With 
the coming of spring he judged the time opportune for a sea 
journey (probably in quest of allies) that would enable him to 
carry out the plan he had determined upon. Thus he did not 
dishonor his rank, when the son of Hunlaf buried the gleaming- 
sword in his bosom. Guthlaf and Oslaf grieved over this attack 
after the sea journey and were unable to retain courage in the 
heart after such a loss. An account of the devastation of Finn's 
country, the pillage of his castle, and the carrying away of the 
queen closes the episode. 



Sveonum phalanges 
Tradita corpora 

Cremare, et iucendio consumere 
Brachia et humeros. 
Foemina moerebat ; 
Gemebat epicediis 
Militem sublatum. 
Ivere in nubes 
Stragis igues maximi 
Strepentes juxta acervum; 
Cougeriem oninem liquefecere- 
Vulnernni portae disruptae sunt : 
Inde prosiluit sanguis. 
Inviso morsu cadavera 
Flamma universa glutivit 
Entium voracissima, eorum 
Quos ibi mavors abstulit: 
Utriusque geutis erat 
Militare rubor (sic) concussum. 
XVII 
Discessit tunc 
Bellator castris 
Visitatum, cognatis 
Caesis, Frisiam: 
A''isum mansiones 
et metropolem maritimam 
Adhuc strage rutilam. 
Hiemem transegit 
Cum hoste miseria tecto. 
Patriae meminit 
Tamen, ut posset 
Per mare persequi 
Indictam expeditionem. 
Mare tempestate aestuabat 
Luctans contra ventum. 
Hiems aquas elausit 
Glacie constrictas, 
Donee alter veniret 
Annus in mundum 
Ut hue usque facit. 
Cum continua 
Mansiones revidisset 
Gloriosa sereni aeris temperies, 
Tunc fuit hiems excussa 
Pulcro terrae gremio: 



Interdicto exulem 

Hospitem terra 

8ollicite expulit. 

Magis opportunum judicavit 

Id tempus maritimo itiueri, 

Ut iratum consilium 

Exsequi posset, 

Quod in Jutorum genus 

Secum statuerat. 

Ita nee degeneravit 

Vitae statu, 

Dum Hunlafidis 

Bellonae jubaris 

Ferrum optimum 

In pectus immersit. 

Hoc erat inter Jutos 

Etiam notum. 

Ita animo periculosum 

Finnum rursus oppressit 

Ensis pernicie lapsum 

Apud ejus propriam domum. 

Ex quo diro impetu 

Gudlafus et Oflavus 

Post maritmum iter 

Dolorem animo conceperunt- 

Exprobratum miseris, quod 

Non ullo modo possent 

Vafrum animum 

Tenere in pectore. 

Tunc aula fuit evacuata 

Hostium vitis, 

Insuper Finnus occisus 

Eex inter multos, 

Et ipsa regina capta. 

Cito Scyldingi 

Ad naves portarunt, 

Omni oceupata 

Terra regis, 

Quae in Finni dome 

Invenire potuerunt 

Monilia gemmis proetiosa. 

Itinere maritimo 

Eegalem foeminam 

Ad Danos eundo 

Duxerimt. 



8 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

Thorkelin makes no mention of the fragment, although it had 
been published the preceding year (1814) in the British Bib- 
liographer,'' text, with literal Latin and metrical English trans- 
lation, as a contribution by J. J. Conybeare. 

GRUNDTVIG 's TRANSLATION 

In 1820 appeared the important translation of Grundtvig.* 
According to Wiilker" this work contained, in addition to his 
free, rhymed translation, notes in whicli many mistakes of 
Thorkelin were corrected and emendations of his own proposed. 
His introduction included the Fight at Finnsburg, tlie original 
text with a translation. The publication of the fragment in this 
volume seems to indicate that Grundtvig was aware of its close 
connection with the Finn episode. In the edition of 1865 he 
makes it part of his translation of the episode, inserting it in the 
middle of line 1108. His understanding of the whole may be 
summarized as follows : 

Finn was defeated in a battle with Hengest. So few war- 
riors remained to him that he offered as terms of triTce a castle 
and half his kingdom to the conquerors. With gold and with 
smooth words Finn made them feel safe. Before his champions 
he swore a solemn oath. Hengest also swore from the depths of 
his heart to punish any violation of the compact. There was 
taking of oaths and glittering of gold, but King Finn concealed 
a heart full of falsehood. The fragment, inserted at this point, 
describes the surprise of the night attack and the brave defense, 
how the warriors fought for Hnjef five days without letting their 
hands fall or forsaking the doors, so that he himself was the 
first to turn away with a fatal wound. 

The building of the funeral pyre and the burning of the fal- 
len heroes is made to follow the conclusion of the fragment. 
Hengest lingered in his high hall throughout the winter while 
ice and storm struggled with the winds, but when spring came he 
no longer needed to tarry. Burning with anger he wished to 
carry out his warlike plans and pay to the last part his debt to 
the Eotens. Then Hunlav 's son quickly put on his good sword ; 
the blade that from its first exploit was known to all the Eotens 
was now with its shining edges to cleave Finn, the bold dastard, 



''The British Bibliographer, by Sir Egerton Brydges and Joseph Hasle- 
wood. Vol IV, printed for R. Triphook, St. James Street, by T. Bensley, 
1814. Pp. 261-267. 

«Nik. Fred. Sev. Grundtvig, "Bjowxilfs-Drape." Kj0benhavn, 1820, 

•Wiilker's "Grundriss," p. 46. 



GRUNDTVIG — CONYBEARE 9 

in his own home. Gudlav and Oslav lost no time. They painted 
the king's hall purple red with the blade, and King Finn now 
met his death in the midst of the Scylding circle. 

To Grundtvig belongs the credit of pouiting out for the first 
time many important features of Beowulf.^" He seems to have 
been the first to connect the two important documents of the 
Finnsburg story; he recognized Hengest and Hnsef as proper 
names and placed Gudlaf and Oslaf in their proper relation as 
enemies rather than retainers of Finn. He saw in the story as a 
whole a typical Germanic feud, — a carefully planned aud suc- 
cessfully executed scheme of vengeance instead of a Viking raid 
for booty. 

ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND CRITICISMS BEFORE KEMBLE 

In England Grundtvig 's translation of Beowulf was appar- 
ently not known^^ until after many of his discoveries had been 
independently established by English scholars. John Josias Couy- 
beare, appointed to the professorship of Anglo-Saxon in the Uni- 
versity of Oxford in the year 1809,^- had long been interested 
in the early history of English poetry. His publication of the 
Fight at Finnsburg, with translation, in 1814, was made at a 
time — to use his own words'-^ — when "the author had enjoyed 
no opportunity of consulting the parallel narrative recorded in 
the poem of Beowulf." The glow of this discovery evidently 
influenced his reading of other poetic remains, for he continues : 
"If the editor is not deceived, the fragment in the Exeter Ms. 
describing a ruined city once the abode of Eotens, entirely 
desolated by war and fire, probably relates to the same destruc- 



"See the "Translations of Beowulf" by C. B. Tinker (1903), pp. 22 ff. 
Professor Tinker says: "Grundtvig was the first to understand the story 
of Beowulf. With no other materials than Thorkelin 's edition of the text 
and his own knowledge of Germanic mythology, he discovered the sea-bur- 
ial of King Scyld, the swimming-match and the Finn episode. He identi- 
fied Breca, Hnaef, Hengest, King Hrethel, and other characters whose 
names Thorkelin had filched from them. ' ' 

"Tinker's "Translations of Beowulf," p. 28: "The book fell dead from 
the press. Grundtvig himself tells us that it was hardly read outside his 
own house. ("Beowulf's Beorh, " p. xix). Thirty years later he learned 
that the book had never reached the Royal Library at Stockholm. A copy 
made its way to the British Museum, but it was the one which Grundtvig 
himself carried thither in 1829." 

"Conybeare 's ' ' Illustrations, ' ' p. iii of prefatory notice. 

"Conybeare 's "Illustrations," p. 174, 



10 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS 

tion of Finsburh." His understanding of the story is as 
follows :'■'' 

"The history . , . appears to be . . . that of a 
war between tlie Danish Scyldings then subject to Healfdaue, 
and led by his thane Hengest, and the Frisian Eotens or Jutes, 
whose king Fin. the son of Folcwald is besieged in his royal city, 
called fi'oin himself Finsham or Finsburh. 

"In the poem of Beowulf the minstrel commences his song 
on this subject by describing the grief of Hildeburh, who seems 
to have been the queen of Fin, and whose son Hn^ef had been 
slain in a battle issuing in the defeat of her husband and followed 
by an inglorious treaty, in which he was obliged to surrender 
half his dominions, and pay ample tribute. The queen obtains 
leave to celebrate the obsequies of her son ; and according to the 
custom of the age couunits his body to the flames. It should 
further appear that the terms of this treaty were violated by 
Fin; for we find that after the interval of a winter, when the 
sea was again fit for navigation, Hengest undertook a second 
expedition against the city of Fin, who fell in its defence, his 
queen being led captive to Denmark in the victor's train." 

In the additional notes of William Daniel Conybeare, who 
collected and edited the materials left unfinished by the death 
of his brother, John Josias, attention is called'^ in a note on the 
Finn episode to the critical work of "the ingenious scholar who 
has conducted the new edition of Warton's 'History of English 
Poetry'." Conybeare gives him credit for satisfactorily proving 
"the subject of this episode to be identical with that of the frag- 
ment of the battle of Finsburh." The edition referred to is that 
of 1824, and the "ingenious scholar" who contributed what 
Conybeare characterized as "the equally amusing and learned 
preface" was Richard Price, lawyer, philologist, and antiquary, 
whose wide knowledge of German and Scandinavian literature 
received tributes from such men as Thorkelin, J. Grimm, and 
Thorpe. 

Price believed that the Sigemund story in much greater detail 
formed the original song of the scop,"' but that this lay was 
"transported from its proper place to make way for an episode 
on the exploits of Hengest, inserted at p. 82, ed. Thorkelin. ' ' 



"Conybeare 's "Illustrations," p. 173. 
"Conybeare 's "Illustrations," p. IGl. 

"Warton's "History of English Poetry," New Edition, 1824, Vol. I, 
p. 96. 



PEICE — KEMBLE 11 

"The subject of this latter document is evidently taken from a 
larger poem of which a fragment has been published by Hickes, 
and is known under the name of the Battle of Finsburh. In 
Beowulf the actors are Fin, llnsst, Hengest, Gutlilaf, and Oslaf ; 
in the fragment the same names occur with the substitution of 
Ordlaf for Oslaf. The scene in either piece is Finnesham, or 
Finnesburh, the residence of the before mentioned Fin. That in 
these we have an allusion to the founder of the Kingdom of 
Kent and not to a purely fabulous personage of the same name 
will be rendered probable on recollecting that the events recorded 
contain no admixture of marvelous matter. Both productions 
are clearly of the same historical class, and written in the same 
sober spirit with the fragment of Brythnoth." 

KEMBLE AND HIS FOLLOV^^ERS 

In the work of J. M. Kemble^'' the Finnsburg materials were for 
the first time brought together and given the critical treatment of 
modem scholarship. Kemble was a student and admirer of 
Jacob Grimm to whom his volumes on Beowulf are dedicated. 
According to the "Dictionary of National Biography" he was 
the recognized exponent of the new science of comparative phil- 
ology in England. In his preface to Volume I^^ he suggested 
that "the Battle of Finsburh" might be "a distorted record of 
Froda the IV 's victorious inroad into Old Saxony, which ended 
with the death of the Frisian Hntef near Hanover. ' '^^ The same 
volume*" groups under Frisians: 

"Fin, the son of Folcwalda (cf. Traveller's Song) ; his queen 
w'as Hildeburh, the descendant of Hoce ; and her son Hn^ef, slain 
in battle against Halfdane. Holinga, very liberally given to 
Hnaef as his wife by some commentators, is not a lady but an ad- 
verb. A Hunlafing is mentioned as the slayer of Hengest, but 
this may be only a patronymic denoting Fin ; Oslaf and Gu?5lac 
revenged this murder by the slaughter of Fin, the destruction of 
his city and the abduction of his treasury and queen to Den- 
mark. ' ' 

His conception appears to have undergone certain changes in 
Volume II. He savs :*^ 



"Kemble published three editions: in 1833, 1835, and 1837. (Cf. Tink- 
er's "Translations of Beowulf," p. 33.) 

Quotations from this work are from the 1837 edition. 

"P. xxvi. 

"Cf. Elton's "Saxo Grammaticus, " pp. 231-232. 

••Kemble 's "Beowulf," Vol. I, p. 260. 

"Kemble 's "Beowulf," Vol. II, p. xlviii. 



12 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

''Hengist, who cannot have been a Dane is a Frisian hero, ap- 
pears as such in the genealogy of the kings of Kent, and is the 
fabled conqueror of Britain. The Hocings, it is also probable, 
Avere a Frisian tribe. The legend as it stands in Beowulf, when 
compared with the Battle of Finnesburh, is that Hngef, assisted 
by Hengist, Oslaf and Guthlaf, with other heroes, attacks the city 
of Fi2in but falls in the contest. Finn is however defeated, and 
deprived of half his kingdom, which appears to be occupied by 
Hengist 's Danes and b.y the Hocings; and if, as I believe, Hilde- 
burh is Finn's queen, and a different person from Hoce's daugh- 
ter, Hntef's mother, he loses a son also, who is sacrificed on 
Hnaef's funeral pile. Hengist, remaining among the Frisians, 
is, in the following year, set upon and slain by Finn, who being 
in consequence attacked by the Danes under Guthlaf and Oslaf, 
loses his life and crown in the contest." 

Kemble's interpretation shaped the general conception of the 
Finnsburg story until the appearance of Thorpe 's edition of Beo- 
wulf in 1855, and its main features were restated and received 
new life when Grein's study (in Ebert's Jahrbuch^^) appeared 
in 1862. There were, however, many minor variations. In 
Germany Franz Joseph ]\Tone,^^ while following the main outlines 
of Kemble, regarded the tale as another treatment of the Gud- 
run theme. Hildeburg in the Finn episode is the daughter of 
Hoke, in Giidrun of Hagen. In the fragment he saw Ordlaf as 
another form of Ortliep, Guthere of Gunther, Eaha of Hugo, 
and Sigeferd of Sigfrit. The whole passage presents a hall-fight 
as in the Nibelungen. In the hall of Finnsburg Hengest, in the 
hall of Etzelburg Hagen is the chief hero. The Finnsburg hall 
has two doors. Sigfrit and Hugo guard one, Ortliep and Gunt- 
liep the other. Tlie hall gleams witli swords ; in the Nibelungen- 
lied a fiery wind comes from the blades. There is a bloody feast 
(GnMmal) in Finnsburg as in Etzelburg. The heroes Ortliep, 
Sigfrit, Gunther, Hagen, and j)erhaps also Garulf (Wolfhart) 
are common to both battles. Sigfrit as vassal to the Secges is 
only to be understood by the family alliteration, "Sig", in the 
Nibelungen and by the lie in which he is represented to Brun- 



'^Chr. Grein, ' ' Die historisehen Verhaltnisse des Beowiilfliedes. ' ' Ebert 's 
Jahriuch, IV, 269-271. 

^Franz Joseph Mone, " Untersuehungen zur Gesrhichte der deutschen 
Heldensage." 1836, pp. 134-136. 



MONE — WACKERBARTH 13 

hild as a vassal of Gunther. Only with this Sigfrit fits the great 
fame which the fragment also assigns him. 

One can hardly fail to acknowledge, Mone maintained, that 
the Fight at Finnsburg contains some of the principal features of 
the Nibelungenlied, either that it is borrowed from, or is of 
similar origin with, the German saga ; the latter he thought more 
probable. 

Mone also regarded the Ruined City as a lament over Finns- 
burg and believed that it belonged to the fragment. 

Leo,^^ Ettmiiller,^* Klipstein,^^ and Schaldemose^' follow Kem- 
ble very closely. Wackei'harth-** also restates his outline of 
events, differing, however, in two details:-'^ "I am not aware," 
he says, "that any writer states Hengist the first King of Kent 
to have died in Friesland, whereas Matthew of Westminster 
{ad an. 489) declares that, being defeated and made prisoner by 
Aurelius Ambrosius, he was at the instance of Eldad, Bishop of 
Gloucester beheaded." In a note on line 1115, he remarks: 



"H. Leo, "Beowulf, dasz alteste Deutsche, in angelisachsischer Mumlart 
erhaltetie, HeMengedicht nach seinem Tnlialte und nach seinen historiscben 
und mythologisclieii Beziehungen betrachtet. Ein Beitiag znr Geschichte 
alter deutscher Geisteszustande. " pp. 79-88. Leo translates the Finn episode 
entire as ' ' die spraehlieh schwierigste stelle des ganzen liedes, ' ' and ' ' drireh 
ihren inhalt hochst ausgezeichnet und eigentiimlich. " The rest of the poem 
is summarized, not translated. 

^1840: (First German Translation) "Beowulf. Heldengedicht des afhten 
Jahrhunderts. Zum ersten male aus dem Angelsachsischen in das Neu- 
hochdeutsche stabreimend iibersetzt und mit Einleitung und Anmckungen 
versehen von L. Etmiiller. " Pp. 108-112 (episode), pp. 56-58 (fragment). 

1850: "Engla and Seaxna Scopas and Boeeras, " pp. 108-110 (text 
of episode) ; pp. 130-131 (text of fragment). 

^Louis F. Klipstein, "Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. " New York, 1849. The 
first American treatment of this theme. He gives the text of the episode 
(pp. 423-426), the fragment (426-427), and, under note 53 (Fin), of Wid- 
fith. He follows Kemble to the extent of giving entire his long note on 
Teutonic burials, including the statement that Hildebiirh 's son was slain 
upon Hnffif 's funeral pile. 

For mistaken statement of Klipstein 's nationalitv in AViilker's "Grund- 
riss," p. 74, see P. M. L. A. XLVI (1898). 

"1851: (Second Danish translation). "Beowulf og Scopes WidsiS, to 
angel-saxiske Digte, med Overseettelse og oplysende Anmaerkninger udgivne 
af Frederik Schaldemose. ' ' 

""Beowulf, an epic poem translated from the Anglo-Saxon into English 
verse, by A. Diedrich Wackerba rth, A. B. Professor of Anglo-Saxon at the 
College of our Ladye of Oscott. " London, 1849. Ballad meter, intended 
to appeal to the reading public- 

"Introduction, p. xxxiii. 



14 THE FINN8BURG DOCUMENTS 

"Every commentator seems to consider this as the sacrifice of a 
living son ; but I cannot but think that the youth was dead al- 
ready, as Hildeburh's brethren and children fell in the battle, 
and that it was only his dead body that was burned on Hnaef 's 
funeral Pyre." 

THE WORK OF THORPE 

In 1850 appeared Thorpe's edition of Beowulf.-"' Thorpe 
had studied in the University of Copenhagen under Rask. His 
first publication was an English version of Rask's "Anglo- 
Saxon Grammar" in 1830. In this same year he collated 
Thorkelin's edition of Beowulf with the Cottonian Ms. intending 
to produce an edition of his own. He found the Ms. in an ex- 
tremely friable condition, and his readings in a number of places 
supply letters that soon after disappeared. His explanation of 
the Finnsburg situation makes the fragment precede the episode 
and describe an attack made by Hnaef and his men upon the hall 
of Finn. ' ' The fragment, ' ' he says,^' ' ' as far as I can judge, be- 
gins with a speech of Fin. the Frisian prince, on seeing a glare 
of light in his palace, which has been fired by the Danish in- 
vaders, in an attack by night." At the close of the fragment 
Hnaeif turns away wounded, but his men under Hengest are vic- 
torious and, after making terms with Fin, quarter themselves 
upon the Frisian people for the winter. In the spring Hengest 
brooding over the death of Hngef, donned Hunlafing, "the flame 
of war, the best of falchions," and with Guthlaf and Oslaf after 
their sea voyage, attacked and slew Fin.^- 

In Germany Uhland" adopted the views of Thorpe. Sim- 
rock''^ agreed with Uhland and Thorpe that Fin is attacked in 



'""The AniE^lo-Saxon poems of Beowulf, The Scop or Gleeman 's Tale 
(Widsith), and the Fight at FiDnesbiirg. With a literal translation, notes, 
and glossary, etc., bv Benjamin Thorpe." Oxford, 1855. 

"P. 227. 

'^Cf. his note on Hunlafing: "Hunlafing I take to be the name of Hen- 
gest 's sword, as Hrunting, Naegling, etc. The meaning is not that he 
stabbed himself, but that he merely placed the weapon in or on his bosom, 
in allusion probably to the Tnethod of weai-ing it in front, examples of 
which may be seen in old illuminations. (An exactly similar passage oc- 
curs hereafter where there is no question of stabbing.) In other words 
that he girded or prepared himself for a renewal of the contest- ' ' 

^Germania, IT, 344 ff. 

""Beowulf. Das alteste deutsche epos iibersetzt und erlautert von Dr. 
Karl Simrock." 1859, 



THOEPE — GREIN 15 

the fragment and that his enemies gain a victory dearly bought 
by the death of Hneef. He held, however, that Fin, perceiving 
Hengest's desire for vengeance, had him secretlj^ put out of the 
way with the sword Hunlafing. His followers, Guthlaf and Os- 
laf, escaped, returning later with a force sufficient to avenge all 
their grievances. "It was blood vengeance," he concludes, 
"which here as in the Nibelungen saga furnished the tragic 
motive. ' ' 

Rieger^^ followed Thorpe in taking Hunlafing as a sword, but 
thought it was presented to Hengest and was designated as 
' ' cuSe ' ' because it had slain Hmef . 

In England Mr. Daniel H. Haigh'^''' reproduced Thorpe's 
translations of both fragment and episode with practically no 
variations except in phrasing. He applies in addition his char- 
acteristic theory of an English origin and background for every 
event referred to in Old English poetry. He held this feud as an 
adventure of "the second Hencgest, of whom the Frisian tra- 
ditions speak, the nephew of the first ; ' ' and he regarded Fin as 
ruler of a Frisian settlement in Norfolk. His argument for this 
latter point is based on local nomenclature, since there is a 
Finnesham in Norfolk and a Hilborough, (Hildeburh), a Hock- 
wold, and a Hockham (Hoce) not very far distant. 

THE GREIN ANALYSIS AND ITS INFLUENCE 

The work of Grein marks an epoch in the study of all Old 
English poetry. His "Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Poesie" 
and the translation of this body of poetry in his "Dichtungen 
der Angelsachsen " appeared in 1857. This included, of course, his 
first treatment of the Finnsburg materials; but a more definite 
pronouncement of his views was given in Ebert's Jahrhuch^'' in 
/ 1862. The episode he declared one of the darkest and most 
difficult parts of the entire Beoivulflied. After comparing it 
with the fragment and carefully examining all the details he 



'"Max Rieger, " Ajigelsachsisches Lesebuch. " 1861. Fragment, pp. 61-63; 
episode, pp. 67-70. 

'*Daniel H. Haigh, ' ' The Anglo-Saxon Sagas ; an examination of their 
value as aids to history." London, 1861. Pp. 32-33. 

"Chr. Grein, "Die historischen Verhaltnisse des Beowulf liedes. " Eb- 
•rt 's Jahrbuoh, 1862, 269 ff. 



16 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

sums up the result of his study. He places the events of the 
fragment before line 1068. According to Widsith, Fin, son of 
Folcwald, ruled the Frisians, who are called in Beowulf some- 
times Frisians, sometimes Eotens. Tiiis suggests that Fin ruled 
both the Jutes of Jutland and the neighboring North Frisians. 
Finsburg was in Jutland, and liere was dwelling with Fin Hna^f 
tlie Hoeing, a vassal of the Danish king, Healfdehe, with sixty 
men. Grein regards Onuidtvig entirely wrong in calling 
Hengest, one of these thanes, a Frisian prince. Inasmuch as 
Grein believes the Hengest of Beowulf was slain in battle with 
Fin, he also thinks Kemble mistaken in identifying him with the 
"freilich ungefahr gleichzeitigen " historical Hengest of Kent. 

These guests w^ere treacherously attacked at night by the 
followers of Fin. The fight described in the fragment ensued, 
at the close of which Hnsef fell and Fin's forces were so weak- 
ened that he was forced to make terms with Hengest, as set forth 
in the episode. Hnaef and othei- fallen warriors were burned 
with elaborate ceremony. Again Grein takes issue with Grundt- 
vig assei'ting that Hildeburg, Hoce's daughter, is the sister of 
Hnaef and the wife of Fin, "so sehr sich auch Grundtvig gegen 
diese letztere Aunahme slrilubt." Through the winter the 
treaty was observed, but when, spring came, Hengest, thinking 
more of revenge than of the sea journey, did not escape his fate 
when Hunlafing thrust the battle flame, best of swords in his 
bosom. Grein thinks this passage can mean nothing else but 
that Hengest fell at the hand of Hunlafing. "Wir konnen un- 
moglich in Hunlafing den Namen eines Schwertes sehen, das ihm 
geschenkt worden sei. " The only point remaining dark to Grein 
was whether Hengest returned home for reinforcements before 
his unfortunate attempt at vengeance, or additional help was 
summoned after his fall by Guthlaf and OsUif. The latter view 
seems to him more probable. 

This interpretation is practically a restatement of Kemble 's 
view although Grein mentions the latter only to disagree with 
him. Kemble 's statements had been somewhat indefinite and, as 
Thorpe noted in the preface to his own edition of Beowulf, 
copies of his work were difficult to obtain. Grein 's conclusions 
were clear, definite, and positive, and were given wade circula- 



GREIJT — PIERQinK 17 

tion. Although, as indicated above, he furnished no arguments 
to sustain his assertions the prestige of his work as editor and 
translator of the entire body of Old English poetry and the 
compiler of the invaluable "Sprachschatz" caused them to be 
accepted as authoritative. For fifty years this view has been 
known as "the Grein analysis", and it is still accepted as the most 
satisfactory explanation by many scholars. For twenty-one 
3'ears it was practically unquestioned except by Arnold-'^ and 
Lumsden/''* in England ,who followed Thorpe, and by Horn- 
burg''" in Germany, who regarded Grein 's explanation as satis- 
factory for the first half but agreed with Rieger (a follower of 
Thorpe as before noted) from 1128 on. 

Holtzmah,^^ Heyne,^^ Kohler,^^ Von Wolzogen,** Dederich,^^ 
and Ten Brink ''^ did not question the interpretation of Grein. 
Botkine^^ in France, Grion^** in Italy, and Garnett^"* in America 
followed Groin's version of tlie Finnsburg story in the first trans- 
lation of Beowulf published in these three countries. In France 
no other translation appeared until 1912 when Pierquin^" pub- 
lished an extensive volume based directly on the work of Kemble. 
In America the Gamett translation has gone through four edi- 



^*Thomas Arnold, "Beowulf. A Heroic Poem of the Eighth Century with 
a Translation, Notes, and Appendix." London, 1876. 

^Col. H. W. Lumsden, "Beowulf, an Old English Poem translated into 
modern Ehynies. ' ' London, 1881. 

*''J- Hornburg, "Die Composition des Beowulf s. " Metzger Progr. 1877. 

"Adolph Holtzman, "Zu Beowulf." Germania. 1863. 

*^' ' Beowulf. Angelsaehsisehes Heldengedicht iibersetzt von Moritz 
Heyue. " 186.'5. Zweite Auflage. 1898. The second edition is the one con- 
sulted. The fragment is not translated. 

"^Kohler, Germania, XIII (1868), 1.556. 

•"Hans von Wolzogen, "Beovulf. Das alteste deutsche Heldengedicht." 
Leipzig, 1872. 

"H. Dederich, " Historische und geographische Studien zum angelsachsis- 
ehen Beowulfliede. " 1877. 

"Bernhard Ten Brink, "History of English Literature" (translated by 
H. M. Kennedy, 1889) ; Paul's "Grundriss," ed. 1, Vol. II. 

*" ' Beowulf, Epopee Anglo-Saxonne. ' ' Traduite en franqais, pour la 
premiere fois, d 'apres le texte original par L. Botkine. Le Havre, 1877. 

"' ' Beovulf, poema epico anglosassone del VII seeolo, tradotto e illus- 
trato dal Dott. Cav. Guisto Grion- " Lucca, 1883. 

*"' ' Beowulf : An Anglo-Saxon Poem, and the Fight at Finnsburg, trans- 
lated by James M. Garnett, M. A., LL. D." Boston. 1882. Second Edi- 
tion, 1885. Third Edition, 1892. Reprinted 1899. Fourth Edition, 1900. 

■^H. Pierquin, "Le PoSme Anglo-Saxon de Beowulf." Paris, 1912, 



18 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS 

tions and has received the approval of critics and scholars as 
well as that of the reading public. 

moeller's interpretation 

The first to break away definitely from the Grein tradition 
was Herman Moller, whose advocacy of an original strophic 
form for Old English poetry influenced all his work in this field. 
In 1883 he put forth a study of tlie "P^innepos" containing many 
original suggestions. He maintained that the fight described in 
the fi'agment could not be the one in vvliich Hntef fell since the 
latter was evidently one in the open field in which the Danes, not 
the Frisians, were the aggressors. For this reason he held that 
the fragment did not belong at the beginning of events in the 
Finn episode. He placed it between lines 1145 and lli6 and 
believed that it describes a second battle in which the treaty be- 
tween Finn and Hengest was broken. The liall is the one pre- 
pared by the treaty for Hengest and his men and which they 
have since occupied. Line 1142 ^Moller emended by reading 
" worod-ra^denne" for '' worold-raHlenne" and translated: "So 
hf did not oppose the will of his followers when the son of Hiin- 
laf laid the best of swords in his lap." The giving of the sword 
expressed the desire for vengeance which by the term of the 
treaty must remain unspoken. The "grimne gripe" of line 1148 
he thought referred to the night attack in which Finn and his 
followers sought to foiestall the poorly concealed intentions of 
Hengest. In 'this attack described in the fragment Hengest was 
slain, but Guthlaf and Oslaf succeeded in reaching their ships 
and after a sea journe>' returned with new forces and revenged 
their wrongs. 

Moller believed the Finnsaga had its origin in the myth of 
Frey, chief god of the Ingaevones. This theory had been ad- 
vanced by Miillenhof in ISoO'^^ and suggested, though not def- 
initely asserted, by Grimm in 1835.'^ It was worked out in detail 
by Moller with a rather convincing effect. He believed the same 
myth assumed other forms in the Hildesage, the Oiidrunsage, and 



"In Z. f. d. A. XI, under "Widsith" in his "Zur Kritik des ags. Volkg- 
epos. ' ' 

"J. Grimm, "Deutsche Mythologie" (translated by Stalleybraas, 1882, 
Ch. X, p. 219.) London. 



MOELLER — BUGGE 19 

m the folk takes of the ishmd of S}'U collected by C. B. Han- 
sen.^« In the myth of Frey he sees the motive for the feud, and 
he strengthens his argument by citing parallel features from 
these legends as of similar origin. He regards the identity of 
the Sylt legend of Finn and the Old English Finnsaga incontest- 
ably established. 

Shortly after Mciller's study, appeared Wiilcker's "Grund- 
riss" giving the bibliography of the subject previous to 1885 and 
the only review of critical opinion on the Finnsburg question 
that has yet been attempted. Wiilcker's pt^rsonal endorsement 
is given to the view of Moller. He regarded Holler's treatment 
of the subject as the most complete and detailed and his explan- 
ation the most probable of any that had yet appeared. 

THE BUGGE THEORY 

Two years later Holler's view was opposed in an important 
article by Bugge in Paul and Braune's "Beitrage. "^^ The sec- 
tion devoted to the Finnsburg fragment began with a statement 
that he agreed with the usual view tliat it describes the battle in 
which Hnaef fell and precedes the events related in Beowulf. 
One is not justified, he holds, in ascribing to the author of the 
episode so little narrative skill as not even to mention an event 
of prime importance that falls in the midst of the episode and 
furnishes the motive for the conclusion. On the other hand, 
that he should simply refer to an event that preceded his narra- 
tive appears more easily explicable. Against Holler's view, 
again, is the fact that it makes Hengest the "HeaSo-geong 
cyning" of line 2, although in Beowulf he is not represented as 
king even after the death of Hnfef. but at "Seodnes ?5egn" 
(1. 1085). Farther, in direct opposition to Holler's opinion that 
lines 37-40 give the best sense if taken as an expression of ven- 
geance for the fallen Hn^f, Bugge maintains that if Hnaef had 
fallen in an earlier battle and at another place and Hengest 
were king at this time, the poet could not use expressions prais- 



•*Cf . Moller 's ' ' Altenglische Volksepos ' ' ; also Blackwood 's Magazine, 
July, 1888. 

••Vol. XII, pp. 20-87. 



20 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

ing the loyalty of the heroes to a former king and utterly disre- 
garding their relation to the living king. 

Bugge's interpretation throughout is strongly influenced by 
the Hrolf 's saga and Saxo's narrative of Hrolfr kraki. He calls 
attention to the similarity of treatment in the poetic handling 
of the last battle of Hrolfr kraki and the Finnsburg fight. Hol- 
ler's supposition that lines 1142-1145 of the episode describe the 
giving of a sword to Hengest by his own followers as a dumb re- 
quest that he should lead them in revenging their wrongs, he 
regards as absolutely untenable. That soldiers should present 
their leader with a sword to spur him on to brave actions might, 
he thinks, happen in recent times, but such conduct would be 
most strange and without precedent in old Germanic relations. 
His translation of the passage is very close to that of IMoUer, al- 
though his interpretation differs widel}'. The emendation to 
" worod-raedenne " he had already adopted independently of 
MoUer and cites Gen. 1963 as a similar mistaken occurrence of 
"worulde' for "worude." His understanding of the situation 
is that when spring arrived Hengest, in spite of his longing to 
start homeward, lingered brooding over plans for vengeance. 
But the followers of Finn watched the king's hall unceasingly, 
so that a hostile attack in order to kill Finn was impossible. At 
last, finding himself shut off from other methods of revenge, he 
did not scruple to declare himself a liegeman of Finn when Hun 
laid in his lap Lafing, the gleaming weapon,the best of swords. 
He points out that Laufi was the sword of BoSvarr bjarki, hero 
of Hrolfr kraki. Hun he takes from Widsith as ruler of the 
Hetuare, later mentioned in Beowulf (2363-2916) as allies of the 
Frisians against Hygelac. It is not easy to see why he should 
appear here instead of Finn, but Bugge supposes he was staying 
at the Frisian court as a vassal of Finn just as Hna?f though 
called a king was a vassal of the Danish Healf dene. As the liege- 
man of Finn it was Hengest 's duty to bring gifts or tribute to his 
lord. Promising to send such gifts from Denmark he received 
permission to return home. Later a strong force of Danes, 
among whom Guthlaf and Oslaf are named, sailed for Fries- 
land, ostensibly bearing gifts, probably weapons, from Hengest 
to his lord Finn, They were admitted without suspicion, and 



SAERAZIN — S WIGGETT 2 1 

Finn was slain in his own hall. The support offered by Bugge in 
conclusion for this supposed course of events is the analogous 
narrative of Hrolfr kraki, which, he thinks, furnishes the key to 
the explanation of the whole. 

Since the appearance of Bugge 's study there have been many 
translations, arguments for and against previous views, and 
modifications suggested. Hugo Schilling'' held that Holler's 
explanation was unanswerable except that lines 1142-1145 stated 
the death of Hengest and made specific reference to the fight 
described in the fragment, hence the latter should be placed just 
before 1142 instead of after 1145. He took up Bugge 's sug- 
gestions in detail with the general conclusion that "logic is not 
Bugge 's forte." 

The emendations of Moller and Bugge in line 1142 were 
adopted in the Heyne-Socin (5th) edition and the later editions 
of Hanison and Sharp. Both these works favored the Bugge 
interpretation. 

Sarraziu"' accepts Holler's interpi'etation, but regards the In- 
geld narrative of Saxo as the key. In his opinion, "The Finn 
episode is according to content a complete pendant to the Ingeld 
episode. The theme is the same; the outbreak of hereditary 
feud between families united by marriage. The relations and 
situations are very similar. ' ' 

Rudolph Wickberg" in the first Swedish translation of Beo- 
wulf followed Grein. The Grein analysis was also adopted by 
Henry Horley^^ (with an alternative suggestion of Thorpe's 
view of 11. 1142-1145), by Stop ford A. Brooke,^'' P. Hoffman,"" 
H. Steineck,''' and apparently by Swiggett^-' who states: "Hil- 
deburh is given to Finn as atonement for the killing of Finn's 
father by Hna^f or Hoc, on Hna^f's fall succession is given to 
Hengest, a peace treaty is made, Hengest remains, and is after- 
wards put to the sword as likewise happens in time to Finn. " In 

^M. L. N., I, 89-92, 116-117; II, 146-l.i0. 
"G. Sarraziu, " Beowulf -Studien. " 
"R. Wickberg, "Beowulf," 1889. 
"Henry Morley, ' ' English Writers, ' ' Vol. I, Ch. VTI. 
'"S. A. Brooke, ' ' History of Early English Literature, * ' pp. 63-66. 
*"Hoflfman inserted the fragment in the body of the translation (after 
line 1067), and wrote for it a beginning and an end. 
"H. Steineck; "Beowulf," p. 37. 
•"'Notes on the Finnsburg Fragment," M. L. N., XX, 169, 



22 THE FINNSBtJEG DOCUMENTS 

conclusion he declares: "This is the sequence admitted by all 
scholars." This theory is also advocated by Gummere/-* who 
thinks the exact story not to be determined but "the following 
account" — which it is not necessary to reproduce as it classifies 
under the Grein analysis — "is reasonable and has good support 
among scholars." 

For the last twenty-five years, although as has been noted 
Grein still has a following among scholars, the tendency has 
been to accept the interpretation either of Moller or of Bugge. 
Cosijn, Wyatt, the Morris and Wyatt translation, Kogel, Clark 
Hall (1901 edition), Tinker, Vogt, Huyshe, and Sedgefield fol- 
low the interpretation of Moller ; while Earle, J. L, Hall, Simons, 
Trautmann, Gering, and C. L. Thomson accept the explanation 
of Bugge. Child gives a brief summary of the two theories as 
' ' two typical attempts that have won some acceptance. ' ' 

THE HISTORICAL VIEW 

An interesting suggestion was made by Chadwick in 1907 in his 
"Origin of the English Nation". At the close of a chapter on 
the invasion of Kent, he says :^* 

"We have seen that the name Hengest is very rare. The only 
other person of this name known to me is the warrior who figures 
in Beowulf and in the fragmentary poem on the fight in Finn's 
castle. The history of this individual is unfortunately obscure. 
It is clear, however, that he was the chief follower of a certain 
Hnaef, who appears to have been a prince in the service of the 
Danish king Healfdene. On a certain occasion this Hnaef paid 
a visit, whether friendly or otherwise is not clear, to Friesland, 
wliere he was slain by the followers of the Frisian king, Finn, 
the son of Folcwalda. Hengest and his other warriors after a 
long struggle came to terms with Finn ; but some of them event- 
ually returned to Denmark and having obtained reinforcements 
attacked and slew him. Of Hengest 's fate nothing is stated. 

"Now it is curious to note that this Hengest must have been 
a contemporary of his famous namesake. In Beowulf the Danish 
King Hrothgar is represented as a very old man. and as having 
reigned for a very long period (hund missera, I. 1770). The 
time to wliich the poem refers is the first quarter of the sixth 
century. Healfdene, Hrothgar 's father, may therefore have 
been reigning before the middle of the fifth century. Again, 

"F. B. Gummere, "The Oldest English Epie," pp. 69-74: 159-163. 
"Pp. 52-53. 



CHAD WICK — HUCHON 23 

both Hengests come apparently from the same country. The 
Hengist of the Historia Brittonum is said to have come from 
Oghgul, which, as we shall see subsequently, is probably Angel 
in South Jutland. But the Hengest of the poems also comes from 
some part of the Danish kingdom. As for the tribes to which 
they belonged that of the Kentish Hengest is called by Bede 
Jniae (Juti), while in English translations we find Ytena, Eota, 
lutua (gen. pi.), lotum (dat. pi.). The tribe to which the other 
Hengest belonged is called in Beowulf Eotena (gen. pi.) Eo- 
tenum (dat. pi.). To these forms we shall have to return la- 
ter, but at all events it cannot be denied that there is a striking 
resemblance between them. Again, the Hengest of the Historia 
Brittonum is said to have been driven into exile. The fate of the 
other Hengest we do not know ; but he can hardly have returned 
home after making peace with the man who had slain his lord. 
Exile is certainly what might have been expected in such a case. 
Lastly, we may remember that the story of Finn, the son of 
Folcwalda, was evidently running in the mind of the Scribe 
from whom the genealogy of the Historia Brittonum is derived. 
On the whole therefore if the invasion of Kent may be dated 
after 440 I think it is more probable than not that the two Hen- 
gests were identical." 

In a note to this same chapter he calls attention to the state- 
ment in Skioldunga Saga (chap. 4 in Arngrim Jonsson's epitome) 
that a Danish king named Leifus had seven sons, three of whom 
were called Hunleifus, Oddleifus, and Gunnleifus. Chadwick 
regarded the two latter as identical with Ordlaf and Guthlaf and 
commented on the striking coincidence of Hengest 's possession 
of a sword called Hunlafing. 

Later Rene Huchon in an article in the Revue Germanique^^ 
identified all three names with the three heroes mentioned in Beo- 
Avulf, maintaining that Hunlafing was the brother of Ordlaf and 
Guthlaf. Dr. Imelmann of Bonn agreed with this conclusion 
and strengthened the argument that Hunlafing should be re- 
garded as a, Germanic hero by quoting a passage from a late Brut- 
version (Cot. Yesp. D. IV) at fol. 1395: 

"In diebns illis, imperante Valentiniano, regnum barbarorum 
et geiMtianorum exortum est, turgentesque populi et nationes per 

"HiifhoTi translates lines 1142-1145 as follows: " Aussi lui (Hengjest) 
re recula-t-il pas devant la destinee. lorsque Hunlafing le mit en possession 
de la himiere de la guerre, de 1 'excellente 6pee, dont le tranchant ^tait fa- 
ineux parmi les Jutes (ou parmi les geants)." 



24 THE FINNSBURG DOC?UMENTS 

totam Europam eonsedenmt. Hoc testantur gesta Rodulphi et 
Hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, Horsi et Hengesti, Waltef et Hame, 
quorum quidam in Italia, quidam in Gallia, alii in Brittania, 
ceteri vero in Gei-iaania ariuis et rebus bellieis claruerunt." 

These articles summed up in a note added to the introduction 
of the second volume of Holthausen's second edition of Beowulf 
attracted the attention of Dr. J. R. Clark Hall and completely 
changed his interpretation of the Finnshurg story. In a com- 
munication to Modern Lanur/age Notes, April, 1910, he expressed 
his relief to find "the personage of line 1143 a Dane" and the 
consequent clearing away of "translations which must have been 
felt to be unsatisfactory." He suggested one modification of 
the view of Huchon and Imelmann, namely : 

"Hunlaf, and not Hunlafing is the proper name of Oslaf and 
Guthlaf's brother, and the reference in line 1143 is to a son 
of Hunlaf. This is in accordance with both the authorities 
quoted by Imelmann, and it would agree with the usual custom 
in Anglo-Saxon nomenclature, while it would be difficult, if not 
impossible, to find a case where one brother's name ended in the 
same syllable as that of tlie others, but with the addition of -ing. 
If we may go by the order in the Skioldunga Saga, Hunlaf would 
be the eldest brother, and probably he was dead before the attack 
in the Finnshurg. It is noteworthy that he, and not Guthlaf and 
Oslaf, are mentioned in the Brut version which also contains the 
name of Hengest. If, as is not unlikely, Hunlaf had been killed by 
the Frisians, lines 1148-1150 may well have reference to Guth- 
laf and Oslaf 's personal loss, and to their position as his natural 
avengers. ' ' 

In the second and revised edition of his "Beowulf" (1911) Dr. 
Hall made use of these conclusions, which made necessary a 
complete revision of his previous treatment of the Finn episode. 

Miss M. G. Clarke, in her "Sidelights on Teutonic History 
during the Migration Period" (1911), sums up the evidence 
pointing to a historical background of the Finn saga.^^ She 
emphasizes each of the points suggested by Chadwick showing 
that the balance of probability "is in favor of accepting the Hen- 
gest of the Finn saga as the same Hengest who later on sought 
a new home across the seas in Britain." It is most unlikely, 
she maintains, that such a curious and extensive coincidenoe of 

••Pp. 184-187. 



GENERAL SURVEY 25 

names and events in wholly different versions should be due 
merely to chance. 

The work of Chambers in his revision of the Wyatt text indi- 
cates that he is in sympathy with the historical interpretation. 
His suggestions in regard to the tribal relationships of the lead- 
ers involved deserve thoughtful consideration. It is perhaps 
premature to refer to his interpretation or to classify it until 
after the publication of his "Introduction to Beowulf", in which 
he will doubtless give a full discussion of the Finnsburg passages. 

GENERAL SURVEY 

Reviewing the course of criticism we find that studies in other 
fields have very largely been responsible for the various inter- 
pretations offered. Thorkelin with his imperfect knowledge of 
Old English language and custom read into the episode Roman 
ideas and conditions. 

Grundtvig, although his work can not be relied upon for 
critical purposes without verification from modern scholarship, 
possessed marvelous insight and his translation, or more prop- 
erly his rhymed paraphrase, was evidently the result of long and 
patient study of the text. When we consider that his only ap- 
paratus for studying Old English poetry was the faulty Beo- 
wulf text of Thorkelin, the early Junius edition of Caedmon 
consisting of the bare text, and a few prose texts (including 
Hiekes' "Thesaurus"), we must admit that the results he ac- 
complished were remarkable. He is said practically to have 
learned the entire poem of Beowulf by heart, and by constant 
dwelling on difficult passages he found light in many obscure 
places. AVithout ever having seen the manuscript he published 
many cmPRdations of Thorkelin which afterward proved identi- 
cal with the manuscript readings. 

Kemble's interpretation was the first result of the new study of 
comparative philology. A student and ardent admirer of 
Grimm, he was strongly influenced in his views by the researches 
into comparative mythology prevalent at that time. As pre- 
viously cited, he suggested that the battle of Finnsburg might be 
an imaginative version of Froda the IV 's inroad into Old Sax- 



26 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

ony as described by Saxo Grammaticus. The account given in 
this semi-mythological chronicle is as follows •/'' 

"After Hame was killed, the sway of the Danes over the 
Saxons grew so insolent that they were forced to pay every year 
a small tax for eacli of tlieir limbs that was a cubit long, in token 
of their slavery. This Hanef could not bear, and he meditated 
war in his desire to remove the tribute. Steadfast love of his 
country filled his heart every day with greater compassion for 
the oppressed ; and, longing to spend his life for the freedom of 
his countrymen, he openly showed a disposition to rebel. Frode 
took his forces over the Elbe and killed him near the village of 
Hanofra (Hanover), so named after Hanef. But Swerting, 
though he was equally moved by the distress of his countrymen, 
said nothing about the ills of his land, and revolved a plan for 
freedom with a spirit yet more dogged than Hanef 's. Men often 
doubt whether this zeal was liker to vice or to virtue; but I cer- 
tainly censure it as criminal, because it was produced by a 
treacherous desire to revolt. It may have seemed most expedient 
to seek the freedom of the country, but it was not lawful to 
strive after this freedom by craft and treachery. Therefore 
since the deed of Swerting was far from honorable, neither will 
it be called expedient . . . For guilt has been usually 
found to come home to its author; and rumor relates that such 
was the fate of Swerting. For he had resolved to surprise the 
king under pretence of a banquet, and burn him to death ; but 
the king forestalled and slew him, though slain by him in return. 
Hence the crime of one proved the destruction of both ; and 
thus, though the trick succeeded against the foe, it did not be- 
stow immunity on its author. ' ' 

By identifying Hnaef with Hanef and substituting Hengest 
for Swerting we perceive here the main outlines of the Finns- 
burg events as read by Kemble. It seems probable that we have 
here the origin of the theory that makes lines 1142-1145 tell of the 
death of Hengest. As previously noted Grein followed Kemble 
in this interpretation making it simpler, clearer, and more for- 
cible. Thorpe, whose understanding of the Finn story was faulty 
in several respects, saw the error of this reading and pointed 
out in a note, "an exactly similar passage occurs hereafter where 
there is no question of stabbing." 

Holler's interpretation, as we have seen, was shaped by his 
belief that the "Finnepos" was a poetic reminiscence of the early 



•"'Saxo Grammaticus" (trans, by Elton), pp. 231-232. 



QENEEAL SUBVEy 27 

Teutonic God, Frey, which myth appeared in other forms in 
Gudrun and in the legends of the island of Sylt. 

Saxo's narrative of Hrolfr kraki corresponding to the Biarka- 
mal furnished Bugge the basis for his interpretation. Passages 
of special significance for this theory are : 

"For in old time those who were about to put themselves in 
dependence on the king used to promise fealty by touching the 
hilt of the sword. "«« 

"Huge piles of arms were muffled up under divers coverings 
and carried by Hiartuar into Denmark, as if they were tribute ; 
these would furnish a store wherewith to slay the king by night. 
So the vessels were loaded with the mass of pretended tribute, 
and they proceeded to Leire, a town which Rolf had built and 
adorned with the richest treasure of his realm and which, being a 
royal foundation and a royal seat, surpassed in importance all 
the cities of the neighboring districts. The king welcomed the 
coming of Hiartuar with a splendid banquet, and drank very 
deep, while his guests, contrary to their custom, shunned immod- 
erate tippling. So while all the others were sleeping soundly, 
the Swedes who had been kept from their ordinary rest by their 
eagerness on their guilty purpose, began furtively to slip down 
from their sleeping-rooms. Straightway uncovering the hidden 
heap of weapons, each girded on his arms silently and then went 
to the palace. Bursting into the recesses, they drew their swords 
upon the sleeping figures. ' '^"^ 

Attention is called to the close parallelism of the opening lines 
of the Fight at Finnsburg and those of the Biarkamal. In the 
latter Rolf, the king, is asleep in his hall after the feast, when 
his enemies come. Biarki the warden rouses his comrades, say- 
ing -JO 

"The day is up, the cock's feathers are flapping, it is time for 
the sons of toil to get to their work. Wake and awake, comrades 
mine, all the noblest henchmen of Adils. Hoar with the hard 
grip, Rolf the good archer, well born men that never flee. Not 
to wine do I wake you, nor to woman's spell, but I wake you to 
the stern play of the war goddess. ' ' 

Bugge himself has pointed out that these two Scandiavian 
sources furnished him. the key for his interpretation. 



"Op. cit., p. 81. 

«»0p. cit., pp. 70-71. 

""'Corpus Poeticum Boreale," Vol. I, p. 189. 



28 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS 

The conflicting views of these various schools of interpretation 
have been carefully considered by Lawrence,"^ who makes clear 
the many difficulties barring the way to a satisfactory under- 
standing of the documents in question. Among those difficulties 
he mentions particularly "the highly allusive manner in which 
the story is told, the unusual words and idioms, and the corrup- 
tions of the text." Although he appreciates the value of at- 
tempts to explain "individual words or lines", he believes that 
the "chief end of the study of details is after all tliat the nar- 
rative itself may be better understood," The foregoing review 
of Finnsburg criticism sustains his conclusion that "decision 
in regard to any one passage is likely to depend upon the view 
taken of other passages, and of the personal and ethnographical 
relationships of the different characters. ' ' 

The greatest need, then, for an understanding of the text 
would seem to be more acquaintance with the persons and tribes 
involved; in other words, we should approximate as closely as 
possible the mental attitude of those to wliom "Ilrothgares scop" 
addressed the episode. Careful studies through chi-onicles and 
tales of the various individuals concerned might tlirow liglit u])on 
dark places."' The immediate problem to be worked out is not, 
of course, historical verity, but the popular conception, — the 
saga material of the time. Studies of detailed passages, such as 
the recent article by Alexander Green'* in "The Opening of the 
Episode of Finn in Beowulf", have an important bearing on the 
conception of the whole. In a problem so difficult as that offered 
by the Finnsburg documents various methods of approach may 
well be tried ; philology, metrics, history, folk psychology, chance 
references in legend, ballad, or chronicle, all are possible sources 
of suggestion. Similar situations in the literature of kindred 
people must certainly be considered, but no scholar should al- 
low his special knowledge in one literature to influence unduly 
his interpretation of another, as did the earlier interpreters of 



"William Witherle Lawrence, ' ' Beowulf and the Tragedy of Fiunyburg ' ' 
P. M. L. A., 1915, 372-431, 

'^A study of Hengest is planned to follow this monograph, which I hope 
to complete during the current year, 

"Alexander Green, "The Opening of the Episode of Finn in Beowulf," 
P. M. L. A., 1916, 759-797. 



GENEEAL SUEVET 29 

the Finnsburg tale, who regarded it simply as a ''distorted 
record" or "poetic version" of something else. 

Both the episode and the fragment carry a convincing impres- 
sion of first hand saga material, and the very fact that the tale 
has been connected by various interpreters with so many differ- 
ent legends helps to prove that it is not a part of any. Doubtless 
the elements that have led critics to make these various claims, — 
that it springs from the myth of Frey, that it is a variant of the 
Ingeld narrative, that it gives an imaginative description of an 
event chronicled by Saxo, that it echoes the Biarkamal, that it is 
another treatment of the Gudrun theme,— are the elements that 
are characteristic of its time, that gave it popular appeal to its 
age. It is the combination of these elements together with the 
challenge of its enigmatic language and alhisions that makes it 
especially interesting to the modern scholar of Old English. 



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BIBLIOGRAPHY 35 

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36 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS 

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P. M. L. A. New Series, XXIV, No. 4, 



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